Wildlife
Shark tales: Canada’s great whites
As white sharks make their presence known off the coast of Atlantic Canada, researchers and locals want to know: should people be worried?
- 3712 words
- 15 minutes
I once pitched a story about how an artisanal ice cream shop was making a neighbourhood cooler. It was at my first internship, and while I did not yet possess any formal instruction in journalism, I still feel embarrassed now that I wrote one of those boosterish stories about hot, hip, happening areas. It’s not that I don’t love ice cream; it’s that I didn’t pay attention to the bigger picture of what was going on in this neighbourhood.
The shop in question was called Earnest Ice Cream. It couldn’t have been more emblematic of the hipster Vancouver of its day – they starting off selling treats out of a tricycle at farmers’ markets and were known for their signature pint-sized mason jars. Preceding Earnest’s launch in 2012, Vancouver had a reputation as a “gelato town,” a point noted by sources as far away and as respected as the New York Times. As a result, Earnest’s hard ice cream was a welcome palate cleanser for the city.
Pedalling forward from the tricycle sales, Earnest opened its first location on Fraser Street on the city’s east side, in an area that “doesn’t have an established name,” I wrote in my article. Earnest and the other businesses I interviewed agreed, sharing about how they were “scared” but decided to take a “bit of risk” to move to the “kind of sleepy, really kind of beautiful” area because they “believed” in it. And because the rent was cheap.
I wasn’t the only one to write this story about Fraser Street. The Georgia Straight floated the idea that it could’ve been called “Little Portland,” thanks to the tide of other hip new businesses sprouting up. It was more than a place for a scoop of ice cream, with a burgeoning scene of artisanal coffee shops and downtown restauranteurs emigrating to this part of the eastside to make their mark serving cocktails, pretty pastas, and experimental dishes like foie gras torchon and chicken liver parfait. One of those restauranteurs said the openings had brought a “distinct bounce” to the area. Another said it was “a little bit edgy … a little bit rugged, but that gives it character.” Vancouver Magazine’s guide to the area also commented on its transformation. This was a “boggy” place, a “no-man’s land” that was “of the beaten path” until these adventurous creatives came along. A realtor interviewed said that people “used to joke about needing passports to come this far east.” Somewhere in the thick of all these arrivals, a name was given to the “up-and-coming” area: Fraserhood.
One day, long after my piece was published, I was strolling down Fraser Street when I noticed banners hanging from the lampposts overhead. On those banners was a name: “Mountain View.” Eek! I had ignorantly written that the area did not have an established name. And now I was learning from banners that had been there for years that it did indeed have one.
Years later, with more journalism experience, I was determined to revisit Fraser Street. At that point, I had my own reported column called Urban Scrawl in the commuter daily Metro, which chronicled snapshots of urban life. It was the perfect place to publish my penance: a piece on the Mountain View I had ignored.
Mountain View began as a working-class streetcar suburb not too far from downtown. After the world wars, it developed a rich history as a landing place for immigrants, mostly from Poland, with a scattering of those from Germany and Austria. In the 1980s came Vietnamese newcomers, followed by those from the Philippines. Somehow, I missed all of this: that the Vietnamese newspaper Thời Báo had its newsroom in the neighbourhood and that a number of Filipino businesses – from remittance centres to turo-turo cafeteria-style restaurants – dotted the Fraser Street strip.
The Polish society building, completed in 1959, was still around. Its president, who arrived in Vancouver in 1979, told me he loved the multicultural mix of his street: “We’d run across the street from the society to grab a coffee or sandwich from the Polish deli, then go next door to have a soup from the Vietnamese place!”
How did I miss all this? I was no stranger to strolling Fraser Street, but somehow, I had ignored the elements of the Polish, Vietnamese, and Filipino communities because I’d never had a reason to visit them as an outsider. On top of that, I was too caught up in the excitement during my first attempt at spotlighting what I thought to be the “new” that I did not bother to consider what was there before.
Everyone has their own mental map of the community in which they live. My mental map of a place is not going to be the same as yours. We each have some fog over the different areas we’re unfamiliar with. If I don’t like to shop, I likely wouldn’t know where the cool shops are. If I’m not Muslim, I likely wouldn’t know where the mosques are or which halal butcher sells the best meats. If I’m a tourist, I’d be able to point you to the city’s manicured attractions, but not the haunts frequented by locals.
The white gaze plays a role in these mental maps too. Just as it shapes journalistic representations of people of colour, it also shapes representations of places of colour. A journalist unfamiliar with a particular ethnocultural group is likely to be oblivious to, ignore, or misrepresent the places that are important to that group. For example, there is an overwhelming number of stories on immigrant neighbourhoods like Chinatowns and Little Indias, because they are the historic and obvious places for journalists to gather coverage for their outlets on people of colour. However, this leaves out less touristy and more contemporary places where diasporas have clustered to live and set up hubs of business. Even for journalists who do know such places frequented by insiders, they may feel pressured to represent them for outsiders, exotifying difference and filtering out anything that white audiences might not consider newsworthy.
Of course, it’s not just journalists who craft narratives of place. There are politicians promoting opportunities for transformation, tourism boards who curate attractions, condo developers who drum up desirability, and social media influencers with cameras at the ready. Whatever images these people and groups imprint upon a place, journalists might wind up replicating them. And that includes the stereotypes and stigmas attached to racialized places: the walled enclave, the dangerous ghetto, the exotic destination. All are othering representations that don’t capture how these places function and what they mean to the people who spend their lives there. Like Edward W. Said describes in Orientalism, discourse produces understanding. The more that racialized places are othered in journalism, the more that audiences will believe what they see, hear, and read.
Mental maps with fog over these racialized places might as well have the label “Here be monsters.” Or rather, “Here be minorities.”
Excerpted with permission from Under the White Gaze: Solving the Problem of Race and Representation in Canadian Journalism by Christopher Cheung , 2024, Purich Books, UBC Press, Vancouver, Canada. For more information go to www.ubcpress.ca.
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